While the meeting between U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska underscored the Arctic’s decisive importance, there was another signal coming from just offshore: Russian and Chinese naval forces conducting a joint exercise near the Aleutians.
In the north Indo-Pacific, a geostrategic game is unfolding, one in which control over sea lanes, resources and influence will shape the 21st century. And Washington has been slow to catch up.
Despite Alaska’s undeniable role in the Indo-Pacific, providing a launch pad for force projection and missile defense, for three decades America has let its Pacific Arctic flank erode.
Only sustained attention, disciplined use of new funding and closer work with allies and partners will keep America from losing ground to competitors who already understand its value.
The Indo-Pacific Arctic has become one of the most active arenas of great power competition. Russia and China, while not allies, are cooperating here with arguably greater depth than anywhere else in the world.
Their joint naval patrols are no longer rare events but recurring, normalized operations, reinforced by last summer’s first combined bomber patrol and growing coast guard coordination. Their economic partnership has deepened as well, with China investing billions in Russia’s Arctic energy and mineral projects.
And Beijing is not simply riding Moscow’s coattails; it is operating independently, with five Chinese research vessels currently underway near Alaska. If these operations unfolded along Florida’s shoreline, they would dominate the front pages and trigger emergency hearings. Near Alaska’s waters, they barely register.
In response to this unprecedented level of cooperation, the Pentagon has taken notice. Over the next several weeks, INDOPACOM and NORTHCOM are combining two of DoD’s most important exercises for the region — Northern Edge and Arctic Edge — for the first time.
With thousands of air, maritime and ground forces, the goal is to signal that Alaska and the Arctic are a strategic hinge between the Indo-Pacific and North America and to eradicate the challenging seam that exists between them.
While the commanders of INDOPACOM and NORTHCOM deserve great credit for coming together this month, momentum must be sustained. Bridging the lines between the Arctic’s multiple combatant commands is essential to close operational gaps, preserve stability and present a unified front in the face of competing interests that converge in the far north.
Against this backdrop, the recent reconciliation bill offers an opening that may not come again soon for the North American Arctic. From $8.6 billion for much needed icebreaker development to $24.4 billion for missile defense and the Golden Dome, developing these capabilities would aid homeland defense and our broader objectives in the Indo-Pacific. The challenge will be executing them on time and within budget.
Equally important is $115 million buried within the bill for the Defense Department to explore and develop existing Arctic infrastructure, including in Alaska.
These upgrades, from long neglected maintenance on existing bases to the creation of future operating sites, are vital for operations in one of the world’s most unforgiving regions, yet they have repeatedly been pushed to the margins of funding priorities.
History underscores the urgency. The Aleutians were the only part of the continental United States invaded and occupied by enemy forces during World War II. Today, those same islands form a natural bridge between the Arctic and Indo-Pacific theaters.
Adak provides a perfect example — once a vital Cold War and WWII military hub in the Aleutians, it remains strategically positioned and should be strongly considered for reopening.
The U.S. should identify, prioritize and execute projects now, while the legislative window and political will are aligned. The Pentagon in particular must act decisively, not stall in pursuit of the perfect analysis.
While this funding may be game changing, it only scratches the surface of what’s required to compete in the North American Arctic.
Beyond icebreakers and missile defense, America needs resilient communications networks, reliable energy in the cold, sensors that see farther and unmanned platforms that endure longer in extreme conditions.
Just as vital is sustained scientific research, which is not a luxury but a foundation for national security.
Without continuous investment in understanding the Arctic’s rapidly changing environment, the U.S. and its allies will be operating blind in one of the world’s harshest theaters.
Meeting these requirements is far beyond the capacity of any single nation, which makes allied investment and partnership not optional in the Arctic but indispensable.
The U.S. cannot go it alone in the Arctic. Even Russia, with its vast northern coastline, seems to recognize the necessity of relying on others. The colder, more austere Indo-Pacific side of the Arctic is especially demanding and expensive, and success will hinge on shared capabilities, presence and investment.
While the European Arctic rightly receives significant attention through NATO allies, far less focus has been given to the equally critical Indo-Pacific front. Beyond NATO and NORAD, the U.S. has an untapped opportunity to deepen cooperation with Japan and South Korea.
Both nations bring advanced technology, maritime expertise and shared concerns over Russian and Chinese intentions, making them natural collaborators in securing the high north and linking Arctic security to broader Indo-Pacific stability.
Ultimately, these partnerships are not only about deterring threats, but about building the ties of cooperation that keep the Arctic peaceful.
But partnership cannot be taken for granted. Allies will only stand shoulder to shoulder in the Arctic if Washington demonstrates sustained trust, credibility and respect.
Lastly, Arctic advocacy and action only happens with great intention, and the region needs leadership empowered to demand and coordinate the unique capabilities that the Arctic requires.
My former position fulfilled exactly that role for the Department of Defense. Personnel is policy, and if the U.S. is serious about ensuring security in the Arctic, while also advancing stability and opportunity, it will need dedicated leadership.
Without it, the Arctic risks falling through the cracks of bureaucratic seams, allowing competitors to set the pace in a region where time is not on our side.
Iris Ferguson is the former deputy assistant secretary of defense for Arctic and Global Resilience and is currently president of IAF Strategies, specializing in national security and strategic innovation.
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